Amid the uproar over the Ralph Northam blackface photograph, a Washington Post poll asked Virginians if he should remain governor. The results were striking: Only 48 percent of whites felt that he should stay in office. That percentage was exceeded by the nearly 60 percent of black Virginians who thought Mr. Northam should remain.
In another survey, part of my own research, I asked Americans whether President Trump’s wall is racist. White Democrats overwhelmingly said it was, virtually no Republicans did — and minorities placed in the middle.
We find this pattern across numerous issues. And taken as a whole, it reveals something about the United States in the Trump era: The country is not divided by racial conflict, but by conflict over racial ideology. This is a crucial difference — and it is also grounds for optimism.
Race pertains to communities defined by ancestry and physical appearance. Racial ideology turns instead on race as a political idea. Questions like “Should Northam resign?” or “Is the wall racist?” divide voters today by ideology far more than race. “White” is a description of a person’s race, whereas feelings about whether whites are privileged or whether diversity makes the country stronger are part of a person’s racial ideology.
Liberal whites — not minorities — are setting the tone on these issues.
Since 2012, white liberals have moved considerably left on questions related to race, reflecting both a campus- and online-driven cultural awakening that has accelerated in response to Mr. Trump. On the American National Election Study’s scale measuring how respondents feel about a group — white liberals are warmer toward minorities than their own racial group.
The share of white liberals who say racial prejudice is the main reason blacks cannot get ahead has jumped substantially since 2014.
This has happened as liberal thought has changed its focus from class to identity issues since the 1960s. During the civil rights era, African-Americans rallied strongly behind racial liberalism, which was a communal issue. But the connection between race and racial ideology has weakened considerably: People of color are not the driving force behind most of today’s forms of racial liberalism.
The Hidden Tribes study from the More in Common organization — which groups the American electorate on the basis of its views — helps identify the leading proponents of racial liberalism: Of the seven major voting blocs, the most racially liberal are the Progressive Activists, who form just 8 percent of the population. This group is over 80 percent white and only 3 percent African-American. Similarly, a Pew Research Center report finds that the “Solid Liberals” group is overwhelmingly white, and that minority Democrats are more conservative.
On the right, immigration has gained prominence as an issue, including among conservative Asians and Hispanics. But ideological sorting isn’t all about a racial divide: For example, support for immigration among Democrats has broadly risen, but that rise is much more pronounced for white Democrats than for black Democrats (and much more pronounced for Democrats than for white Republicans).
Yet Trump voters rate minorities relatively warmly. Racial ideology rather than race accounts for their differences with white Democrats: White Republicans reject affirmative action, the notion of white privilege and the idea that racial discrimination continues to hold minorities back.
Minorities again rank in between on many of these measures. When it comes to “microaggression” statements such as “America is a colorblind society” or “You are so articulate,” few blacks and Hispanics find these offensive while more liberal whites do.
Likewise, when asked whether it is racist or “racially self-interested, which is not racist” for whites to want less immigration to help maintain their group’s share of the population, over 90 percent of white Democrats with graduate degrees replied “racist” and close to half of minorities, compared with just an extremely small group of white Trump voters without degrees.
What this all shows is that America isn’t racially divided, it’s divided by racial ideology. And that’s a good thing for the country’s unity, because ideological differences, however lamentable, are less polarizing than racial conflict, in which whole communities mobilize against an enemy. A mix of races are found in each racial ideology, preventing tribe and creed from pushing in the same direction, which might lead to civil conflict. This raises the hope that American political elites can one day heal the country’s divisions.
Eric Kaufmann, professor of politics at Birkbeck, University of London, is the author of “Whiteshift: Populism, Immigration and the Future of White Majorities.”
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中特职业技术培训学校【对】【这】【个】【女】【儿】，【沈】【承】【远】【一】【直】【都】【觉】【得】【有】【所】【亏】【欠】【的】。 【当】【初】【将】【她】【带】【到】【边】【塞】【去】，【也】【是】【记】【挂】【着】【她】【没】【有】【母】【亲】【在】【身】【边】，【不】【想】【她】【连】【父】【亲】【也】【没】【有】。 【可】【惜】【到】【底】【顾】【念】【着】【她】【的】【前】【程】，【没】【到】【五】【岁】【便】【又】【将】【她】【送】【了】【回】【来】。 【本】【是】【想】【着】【为】【了】【她】【好】，【没】【曾】【想】【如】【今】【回】【来】【了】，【才】【知】【晓】，【便】【是】【因】【着】【自】【己】【的】【逃】【避】。 【才】【让】【自】【家】【女】【儿】，【小】【小】【年】【纪】【便】【在】【林】【玥】【茹】【那】【个】
“【杨】【哥】，【你】【能】【来】，【这】【比】【赛】【就】【十】【拿】【九】【稳】【了】，【不】【然】【我】【还】【真】【有】【点】【没】【底】。” “【客】【气】【了】，【兄】【弟】，【我】【实】【力】【再】【强】【没】【有】【你】【这】【么】【出】【色】【的】【后】【卫】【也】【不】【行】【啊】。” 【几】【个】【人】【刚】【见】【面】，【立】【刻】【商】【业】【互】【吹】【起】【来】，【根】【本】【没】【看】【坐】【在】【一】【旁】【的】【杨】【霖】【和】【欧】【阳】【俊】。 【还】【是】【刘】【老】【板】【主】【动】【的】【做】【以】【介】【绍】，【不】【过】【感】【觉】【就】【是】【介】【绍】【了】【一】【下】，【后】【面】【就】【没】【他】【们】【的】【事】【了】。 【只】【有】【小】【前】
【晨】【起】，【房】【松】【在】【洗】【漱】【之】【后】，【便】【带】【着】【弓】【朝】【靶】【场】【走】【去】，【四】【国】【二】【月】【的】【中】【旬】，【连】【绵】【不】【断】【的】【雨】【水】【洗】【刷】【这】【纷】【杂】【乱】【世】【留】【下】【地】【痕】【迹】。【雨】【注】，【潮】【湿】【之】【气】【迎】【面】【而】【来】，【山】【雀】【叽】【叽】【喳】【喳】【的】【叫】【闹】【着】，【石】【板】【路】【上】【不】【时】【响】【起】【溅】【水】【而】【起】【的】【踩】【踏】【声】，【大】【树】【之】【上】【树】【芽】【还】【紧】【紧】【的】【包】【裹】【着】，【放】【眼】【望】【去】，【好】【一】【幅】【草】【长】【莺】【飞】【的】【二】【月】【春】【色】！ 【房】【松】【挺】【着】【他】【那】【高】【大】【健】【硕】【的】【身】【躯】，中特职业技术培训学校【总】【有】【一】【些】【恶】【魔】【不】【喜】【欢】【跟】【乞】【丐】【混】【在】【一】【起】。【得】【到】【一】【部】【分】【恶】【魔】【的】【支】【持】【注】【定】【会】【失】【去】【另】【外】【一】【部】【分】【恶】【魔】【的】【青】【睐】。 【最】【明】【显】【的】【影】【响】【很】【容】【易】【看】【见】，【稍】【微】【有】【一】【些】【身】【家】【的】【商】【贩】【不】【乐】【意】【跟】【乞】【丐】【苦】【力】【什】【么】【的】【待】【在】【一】【起】，【厨】【房】【有】【多】【好】【的】【表】【现】，【制】【作】【出】【多】【么】【新】【奇】【的】【素】【食】，【只】【要】【还】【跟】【乞】【丐】【苦】【力】【打】【交】【道】，【他】【们】【就】【不】【会】【来】。 【有】【这】【方】【面】【的】【影】【响】【在】，【常】【冠】【想】【找】
【花】【溯】【屿】【突】【然】【就】【明】【白】【了】【封】【九】【龄】【要】【戴】【面】【具】【的】【原】【因】，【一】【是】【露】【出】【那】【张】【脸】【大】【概】【他】【手】【底】【下】【那】【些】【人】【会】【各】【种】【不】【服】【或】【是】【心】【神】【恍】【惚】，【二】【是】【让】【人】【知】【道】【了】【他】【和】【白】【姿】【皇】【帝】【是】【同】【一】【个】【人】，【那】【岂】【不】【是】【越】【发】【麻】【烦】。 【本】【来】【作】【为】【追】【命】【楼】【的】【楼】【主】【行】【踪】【就】【必】【须】【要】【保】【密】，【毕】【竟】【做】【刺】【杀】【的】【人】【命】【生】【意】【的】，【哪】【儿】【能】【不】【树】【立】【几】【个】【仇】【敌】？ 【妇】【人】【将】【两】【人】【带】【到】【了】【茶】【庄】【里】【面】【去】，【茶】
【我】【叫】【饕】【鬄】，【上】【古】【四】【大】【凶】【兽】【之】【一】。 【世】【人】【以】【为】【我】【什】【么】【都】【吃】，【其】【实】【我】【也】【有】【最】【喜】【欢】【的】【食】【物】，【比】【如】【九】【尾】【妖】【狐】【的】【记】【忆】。 【在】【上】【古】【时】【期】，【九】【尾】【妖】【狐】【还】【不】【像】【现】【在】【这】【般】【稀】【少】，【那】【时】【候】【我】【最】【喜】【欢】【偷】【偷】【跑】【去】【狐】【族】，【吃】【九】【尾】【妖】【狐】【不】【要】【的】【记】【忆】。【他】【们】【的】【记】【忆】【很】【甜】【美】，【只】【需】【要】【吃】【一】【口】，【就】【能】【让】【我】【回】【味】【无】【穷】。 【可】【惜】，【后】【来】【神】【妖】【大】【战】，【已】【紫】【淑】【为】【代】
【王】【亦】【寒】【将】【熬】【好】【的】【姜】【汤】【端】【到】【了】【夏】【芸】【瑄】【的】【面】【前】，【夏】【芸】【瑄】【看】【了】【一】【眼】，【顿】【时】【感】【觉】【心】【里】【暖】【暖】【的】。 “【实】【际】【上】，【你】【不】【用】【给】【我】【熬】【这】【姜】【汤】【的】。” 【王】【亦】【寒】【坐】【到】【了】【夏】【芸】【瑄】【的】【对】【面】，“【以】【防】【万】【一】，【刚】【才】【你】【穿】【的】【那】【么】【单】【薄】【站】【在】【门】【前】，【万】【一】【着】【凉】【了】【怎】【么】【办】？【快】【点】【喝】【吧】，【凉】【了】【就】【不】【好】【了】。” 【夏】【芸】【瑄】【笑】【了】【笑】，【拿】【起】【了】【碗】【里】【的】【勺】【子】，【尝】【了】【一】【口】。